Case Studies – Institute for Urban Excellence

Ecuadorian case studies featured in UCCRN

Mariana Binder — Tue, 21 Apr 2026 08:56:37 +0000

Ecuadorian case studies published by Columbia University's UCCRN

by Tannya Pico

The Urban Climate Change Research Network (UCCRN) brings together over 2000 global experts from universities and research institutions to study climate change in cities. Its members include scientists, planners, economists, and urban designers working on mitigation and adaptation.

Based in Columbia University (New York, USA), the network supports advanced research, shares knowledge with city leaders, and helps stakeholders understand climate impacts on urban areas. It also provides timely, practical insights to support city action, promote best practices, and bridge gaps between more and less prepared cities.

Ecuadorian case studies on Nature-based Solutions

Developed as part of her PhD in Urban Development and Governance at IHS, Erasmus University Rotterdam, two case studies by iUE’s project manager Tannya Pico have been recently published by UCCRN.

They showcase Nature-based Solutions (NbS) from the Ecuadorian capital, Quito, and highlight how local community innovation can contribute to more resilient and sustainable urban futures.

AGRUPAR: Participatory Urban Agriculture in Quito

By Tannya Pico, Robert Martinez Varderi, Elena Marie Enseñado

This case study examines AGRUPAR, a long-standing participatory urban agriculture program in Quito, Ecuador, as a multifunctional nature-based solution addressing climate change, food security, and social inequality. Led by the municipality, the initiative empowers vulnerable populations through community gardens, technical training, and support across the food supply chain, integrating ancestral knowledge with modern agroecological practices. AGRUPAR has significantly increased access to healthy food, generated income opportunities, and strengthened social inclusion, particularly for women and marginalized groups. The case highlights how scalable, low-cost urban agriculture can enhance urban resilience, reduce environmental impacts, and foster more equitable and sustainable food systems.

Water Management and Conservation of the Quebrada Ortega (Ortega Stream)

By Robert Martinez Varderi, Tannya Pico, Elena Marie Enseñado

This case study explores the community-led restoration of the Quebrada Ortega stream in Quito, Ecuador, as a nature-based solution to urban flooding and environmental degradation. Driven by a local housing cooperative, residents transformed a polluted stream into a multifunctional green space through collective action rooted in the traditional practice of minga. The project demonstrates how strong community engagement and participatory governance can successfully integrate social objectives, such as affordable housing, with ecological restoration. Despite its success, challenges remain, including limited biodiversity due to non-native vegetation and continued water pollution from upstream sources. The case highlights the need for scaling up such initiatives, supported by technical expertise and policy frameworks, to enhance urban climate resilience.

The evolution of a temporary community practice in Rotterdam

Mariana Binder — Thu, 11 Sep 2025 09:39:05 +0000

The evolution of a temporary community practice in Rotterdam - from Space to Beating Heart

by Alice Jelmini

This article is a collaboration between Alice Jelmini (Institute for Urban Excellence), Francisco Santos (peer protocol), Chiara Mazzarella, postdoctoral researcher at TU Delft (NOMAD project), and Pierre Simões Kauter (Creative Regenerative Dynamic). It draws on their experiences, insights, and ongoing engagement with “The Space”, its new mandate, and other temporary use initiatives in Rotterdam and beyond.

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The issue of vacancy and temporary use as opportunity

Across many European cities, a growing number of properties stand empty. In 2011, an estimated 38 million properties, including residential, commercial, institutional, and historical buildings, remained vacant across the EU (EC, 2016), a figure that grew to 47.5 million in 2024 (FEANTSA, 2025). While the housing crisis intensifies, with cities facing increasing populations and a growing demand for affordable housing, vacancy rates continue to rise.

This is due to a number of factors: sometimes buildings are left empty for speculative purposes, waiting for values to rise; others are in transition between owners or tenants; some are held as long-term investments with no intention of immediate use (Van Putten, 2024). Whatever the cause, the consequences are tangible, often resulting in neighbourhood decline and neglect, reduced street vitality, loss of safety and decrease in social cohesion.

Meanwhile, urban development continues “business as usual”, prioritising demolition and new building construction over renovation (HouseEurope!, n.d.), contributing to high levels of resource use and environmental impact, while limiting more adaptive and flexible urban reuses.

In this context, as this dominant development model fails to provide short-term solutions to the shortage of affordable housing, temporary use initiatives of vacant buildings emerge as situated opportunities. They can act as potential intermediaries within the housing sector by supporting redevelopment plans, or ideally, by activating properties during periods of transition as alternatives to disuse and neglect (Madanipour, 2018). By filling up (speculative or structural) gaps left by market and public actors, such initiatives offer alternative modes of urban management and help consolidate non-institutional, bottom-up, commons-based practices (Calzati et al., 2022). At the same time, they enable residents and collectives to repurpose unused spaces for social aims, creating room for experimentation with urban governance, while fostering social networks, cultural activity, and local ownership (Mazzarella et al., 2025).

In the face of ongoing housing shortages, persistent vacancy, and a demolition-driven development (Van Putten, 2024; OPEN Rotterdam, 2024; HouseEurope!, n.d.), this article looks at The Space – a temporary initiative in Rotterdam, to explore and highlight the potential role of integrating experimental, temporary use strategies into real estate and urban management as a means to bring more inclusive, adaptive, and community-driven forms of urban transformation.

THE SPACE IN ROTTERDAM

In Rotterdam, where between 2018 and 2024 an average of 17,430 properties stood vacant each year (Van Putten, 2024), a number of temporary use initiatives have emerged. One example is The_Space_Coolhaven, a temporary community space set up in the IJzerblock in Rotterdam’s Coolhaven neighbourhood. This grassroots initiative transformed a vacant apartment into a co-working, gathering space and cultural commons, which later evolved into an initiative advocating for shared spaces in Coolhaven’s urban development.

“INFORMAL” BEGINNINGS

The Space emerged through an informal process of access and activation. In the summer of 2021, 10 people from different backgrounds and unknown to each other, came together to fix an old apartment within the artistic “IJzerblock” community – a social housing complex in Rotterdam’s Coolhaven area. The apartment had been vacated by the housing association in anticipation of future demolition and redevelopment. Due to delays in this trajectory, the unit remained empty and was loosely managed through networks connected to a local art and design academy. It was under these conditions that the apartment became accessible for use.

The initiative did not begin with a clearly defined vision or long-term plan. The first steps were improvised: entering the place, storing a few items, and gradually inviting others to join. Within a short time, a group formed around the idea of turning the apartment into a co-working environment. Many of the participants were already involved in small-scale community practices and projects, and this existing energy fed into the transformation of the apartment building.

Photos by the authors

FROM CO-WORKING TO COMMONS: USE AND ACTIVITY

As more people became involved, the idea of a community space expanded. Renovation was carried out collectively and incrementally: walls were painted, furniture rearranged, minor construction projects, like an outdoor stage, were initiated. The simple act of adapting and refurbishing the place with the collaboration of volunteers became in itself a form of value creation for a social circular economy (Mazzarella et al., 2025).

Two months after its opening, the apartment was already familiar to neighbours, artists, university students and other Rotterdammers. In its rooms and garden, people explored concepts like self-organised administration, community development and grassroots business models to create and test open-source tools and practices for collaboration and digital innovation.

Throughout its active period, The Space hosted a wide range of activities: informal dinners, concerts, exhibitions, workshops, and weekly gatherings. The events were inviting and welcoming to the neighborhood and grew largely through word of mouth and social media.

Participants crossed paths throughout the different events, while students and researchers joined out of curiosity. Amid gatherings of grassroots collectives, The Space also hosted international artists like Arka Kinari (USA, ID), Rico Patrick (MZ) or Mpho Molikeng (LS) as well as local acts such as Kretek Beats, Chris Blok or Lifeless Past, always on the basis of free donations. In a culmination of its practice, the neighbourhood’s wider community joined in for the naming of its garden’s trees.

Although governance remained informal, basic agreements were made to guide use of the place. These included internal rules about how activities were framed, how the place’s identity was used in relation to external groups, and its non-commercial stance. Decisions were discussed collectively, and roles were distributed among active members. To support coordination, the group developed a website and Instagram presence, along with a ticketing system for event planning. The evolving balance between openness, structure, and care was a defining characteristic of how the place functioned over time.

CLOSURE OR CONTINUITY?

The Space came to an end in the summer of 2024 as demolition plans for the IJzerblock moved forward. Over time, both internal tensions and external frictions began to surface, adding pressure to the situation. The housing association re-engaged and issued a general notice to vacate, giving the group three months to leave. While some artists staged a symbolic protest, and squatters briefly remained in the building, the place was eventually cleared. At the end of August 2024, the sidewalks around the IJzerblock filled up with chairs, furniture, sofas, and all sorts of objects that once furnished the interior spaces, as the occupants said goodbye to a place where, for at least three years, bonds and memories had been created. Demolition began shortly after.

The closure marked the end of the physical space, but much of the energy, tools, and connections generated by the project continued beyond its occupation. Although The Space was dismantled, networks formed as the project continued to grow, and many of the practices developed in that period were taken up elsewhere. Rather than a single legacy, what remains is a set of evolving relationships, shared experiences, and practical knowledge that has continued to circulate.

Photos by the authors

COOLHAVEN’S PARTICIPATORY QUEST!

The project’s core ideas and community-building efforts have since moved into a new exploratory phase – referred to as the “Coolhaven Beating Heart Participatory Quest”. Workshops, regular meetings, and the development of new tools continue to shape this next step, which centres on the idea of making neighbourhoods more responsive to those who live in them. Rather than advocating for a single space, the aim has shifted towards identifying, weaving and supporting a network of shared spaces that can function as commons.

A key focus lies in encouraging institutions, public, cultural, or educational, to share underutilized spaces and to recognize the value of informal, community-led use. This also involves identifying existing, often invisible, resources within neighbourhoods that could be activated as shared infrastructure. The approach emphasizes shared governance over isolated access: not just borrowing space, but creating long-lasting frameworks for collective use.

While this work remains experimental, there is a growing ambition to formalize how community-building opportunities are pursued – without losing the adaptability of informal organizing. The longer-term goal is to build sufficient community and institutional connections to support more stable, distributed commons, moving beyond one-off experiments toward broader territorial strategies.

The Legacy

COMMON VALUES AND OUTCOMES

Over the course of three years, The Space operated as an open laboratory of co-working and commons-based collaboration. Rooted in principles of sharing and circular economy, it served not just as a physical location but as an evolving ecosystem where people, projects, and practices converged. The Space offered co-working facilities but primarily functioned as a third place, i.e. a social environment distinct from home (the first place) and work (the second place), where individuals gather for informal interaction and community building (Oldenburg, 1999). This third place facilitated interactions, relationships, and shared responsibility that produced forms of social, economic, cultural, and symbolic value.

The value created during The Space project was based in its constant practice of open activities. The social value emerged in trust and cooperation in the abovementioned activities, i.e. workshop, events and informal gatherings, building cultural commons based on mutual trust (Gielen, 2024). The co-working space was kept regularly open, designed not only productivity, but also to foster spontaneity and connection. Economically, while not focused on monetization, The Space incubated collaborative projects that leveraged non-monetary exchanges: skill-sharing, reuse, barter. This practice enabled economic activity outside traditional market logic, creating resilience through diversification of resources. Culturally, the workshops and events amplified local knowledge and artistic expression. As the programming was porous (allowing different events to be co-created with guests and the neighbourhood), symbolically, The Space became a reference point and a place of possibility that spontaneously realized innate spatial tactics of circular commons (Egger et al., 2024), i.e. a place where improvised ways of interacting activated commoners to share resources, and governance. Its visual identity from the street and the idea that it was there and open were part of a shared imagination of what an inclusive urban commons could look like.

The true legacy of The Space lies in what continued after the project’s formal end. Evolving relationships, practical knowledge, and shared experiences live on through peer_protocol – the founding collective behind The Space initiative, which has since become a foundation. It continues to network and seek new opportunities for co-creating alternative practices of urban development. This work shifted some perceptions. The local council (Wijkraad) began to recognize the existence of a group of people looking for co-working and commons-based spaces, and awarded a small grant for residents to engage with urban development and the Rotterdam Academy of Architecture and Urban Design (Rooterdamse Academie van Bouwkunst). This allowed the group to have a space for an exhibition about the history of The Space and a room to start the new exploratory phase: the “Coolhaven Beating Heart Participatory Quest”.

Photos by the authors

EVOLUTION OF THE PROJECT

The Space adapted and evolved into The Coolhaven Beating Heart Participatory Quest. The workshops brought a new layer of inquiry into value creation, centred around a new collaborative process. Whereas The Space laid the groundwork for a shared physical commons, its evolution into the Coolhaven Quest leaned into a nomadic participatory co-design and collective decision-making, to envision new urban development practices with the community. Through co-designed workshops and iterative exercises, shared values began to materialize: inclusion, ecological stewardship, local storytelling, mutual care, active participation. These values did not just guide decisions; they became tangible outputs in themselves to be embedded in the process. This “how” is essential. Co-creation methodologies like roleplay prototyping, collaborative mapping, and co-evaluation of the design outputs, enabled a deep engagement with workshop participants. Rather than problem-solving, the approach was about collective sense-making, holding space for disagreement, and open debate. Participants developed a language of mutual respect and political imagination, again sharing food, knowledge, and time.

The Space and its evolution into Coolhaven Quest demonstrate that value in commons-based projects is not just about producing outputs but about an evolving process. Social capital, cultural confidence, and collective autonomy are all forms of value that, while difficult to quantify in traditional metrics, have been transformative for the Quest, its collaborators and occasional participants.

THE QUEST ROOTS AND FUTURE CHALLENGES

The Space and The Coolhaven Beating Heart Participatory Quest have shared the inevitable tension between vision and constraint. Resources, whether time, funding, or institutional recognition, were always limited. In The Space, this scarcity spurred a high level of inventiveness but also caused burnout. Facilitators had to learn to set boundaries while keeping openness alive. Similarly, the Quest initiators had to reconcile some divergent goals of local public authorities and neighborhood groups. Networked collaboration proved vital here. Existing relationships from The Space helped Coolhaven Quest quickly build trust and engage people. The horizontal structure , based on shared values rather than fixed hierarchies, enabled a more resilient form of governance within the group activities and organizations (workshop, messaging groups, shared activities and goals). It was not without friction, but the willingness to revisit ideas and decisions allowed the project to remain responsive.

What the initiatives teach us is that participatory spaces must be seen as ecosystems of open(-ended) projects. Like seeds they require time to root, relational care to sustain, and a physical space as a reference place. Scarcity and uncertainty will always exist, but so too will the possibility of generating new forms of wealth grounded in trust, reciprocity, and imagination.

The challenge ahead lies in the sustainability of the project, and scaling this ethos without replicating extractive logics. A physical space is necessary not only to provide workspaces and a commons, but also as a place for spontaneous gathering where new projects can emerge. Yet, in a city like Rotterdam where rents continue to rise, how can a starting foundation run by a group of volunteers find an accessible and secure space? Is it enough to settle for yet another temporary and precarious space to foster active and creative participation? As institutions begin to integrate participatory methods and as the group continues to develop, the question is not whether these approaches are valid, but how to catalyse their radical potential. The value of these practices stems not just from the places they have transformed but in the people they empowered to carry the commons forward, into their neighbourhoods, their policies and their ways of being.

Conclusion

The case of The Space_Coolhaven and its evolution into the Participatory Quest offers insights over both the potential and the challenges of temporary use in addressing urban vacancy and enabling community-led transformation, in Rotterdam and beyond. Particularly, the initiatives show how temporary use can create value from unused spaces in meaningful, inclusive, and creative ways. Rather than offering a fixed model, these projects show that temporary use can function as a platform for experimentation, mutual care, and collective responsibility. They reveal that commons are not just about shared spaces, but about the relationships and practices that sustain them. Even if short-term, such initiatives can generate long-lasting effects and impacts – new relationships, tools, imaginaries and practices that continue to evolve and circulate shaping local urban transformations.

Across European cities, the paradox of rising housing demand and persistent vacancy reveals the limitations of the current market and public-led real estate and urban development models, and underscores the urgency of rethinking how empty buildings are accessed, governed, and valued. Temporary use, when rooted in collective governance and social aims, can reframe vacancy from a symptom of disinvestment and neglect into an opportunity for adaptive, commons-based transformation. By temporarily opening properties to community use, cities can provide spaces for cultural activity, collective governance, and neighbourhood revitalization, while testing alternatives to dominant market-led models.

To support the potential of such initiatives, it is essential to move beyond isolated experiences and toward more structural change in how vacant space is accessed, governed and valued. Enabling conditions for more inclusive, adaptive, commons-based urban development are needed, and as such, municipalities, public institutions, and other stakeholders should:

» Recognize (social) temporary use as a valuable practice, not just an interim solution – especially in contexts of vacancy and transition.
» Actively counter the private ownership of vacant or underused properties in Rotterdam, introducing regulatory and fiscal measures that discourage passive real estate speculation and instead promote the reuse of spaces for social and community purposes.
» Resist the commodification of temporary use by ensuring that public support and access to place are directed towards initiatives grounded in collective governance, community care and long-term public value; rather than profit-oriented or extractive models.
» Support vacant or underutilized properties in adopting a proactive asset management strategy, aimed at optimizing the use of real estate through commons and community-oriented allocation systems that can flexibly respond to emerging local needs.
» Develop sustainable funding mechanisms (from dedicated grant schemes to tax incentives) to ensure continuity for initiatives that often operate in precarious conditions.

Finally, embracing temporary use as a strategic, adaptive approach also means valuing the intangible benefits these spaces generate, including trust, solidarity, creativity, and shared responsibility, and not only efficiency and concrete outputs. It means accepting exploration and uncertainty as essential parts of the process, allowing value to emerge through collective engagement.

Inclusive urban agriculture benefits children in Quito, Ecuador

Mariana Binder — Mon, 18 Aug 2025 14:01:06 +0000

Inclusive Urban Agriculture Benefits Children in Quito, Ecuador

by Tannya Pico & The Urban Hub Team

This article was first published by the Global Alliance – Cities4Children.

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Introduction

In the hills and valleys of Quito, Ecuador, a quiet green revolution has been unfolding for over two decades. The Metropolitan District of Quito’s Participatory Urban Agriculture Project, also known as AGRUPAR, has significantly improved food security, nutrition, and inclusion for thousands of vulnerable children and families across the city.

Urban Growth and Inequality in Quito

With a population exceeding 2.5 million, the Metropolitan District of Quito has experienced rapid urban growth. Like many Latin American cities, Quito expanded dramatically during the 1980s and 1990s. Its population ballooned from 800,000 in 1980 to 1.4 million by 2000, driven by internal migration, regional crises, and rural-to-urban migration in search of jobs and improved living conditions.

However, the city’s rapid expansion also deepened urban inequality. Many newcomers settled in informal areas, on hillsides, in peri-urban zones, and in underserved inner-city neighbourhoods. These areas often lacked basic infrastructure and services vital to children’s health, education, and well-being.

By the late 1990s, poverty affected nearly half the population in Quito, with child malnutrition rates averaging 30%, and spiking to 47% in the poorest neighbourhoods. It was against this backdrop that the AGRUPAR program was born in 2002, as a response to rising poverty, food insecurity, and environmental degradation.

WHAT IS AGRUPAR?

AGRUPAR (Participatory Urban Agriculture Project) is a city-led initiative that works with local communities, schools, and civil society to grow organic food sustainably within the urban and rural parishes of Quito. The project promotes participatory farming through thousands of urban gardens in the form of family gardens, school plots, institutional farms, and community orchards, as well as small-scale livestock initiatives.

The project supports 4,400 urban gardens producing around 1.35 million kilograms of food per year. Roughly 57% of this is consumed directly by the growers and their families, while the rest is sold by families through short supply chains and local markets to supplement household incomes.

Impacts on Families, Migrants and Children

AGRUPAR has had wide-ranging impacts on food security, child nutrition, and social inclusion in Quito. These include:

» Better access to healthy, affordable food for low-income families, including migrants, retirees, and single-parent households.
» Improved dietary diversity and healthy eating habits among participating children and families.
» Educational opportunities for children to learn about nutrition, food systems, and environmental care.
» Economic and social integration for migrant families, who gain income and community connections through urban farming.
» Environmental benefits, including reduced food miles, composting, and creation of green spaces in dense urban areas.
» A scalable model that has inspired similar programs in other cities across Ecuador and beyond.

Even after 20 years and several changes in political leadership, AGRUPAR remains a robust and highly regarded urban program. So, what’s the secret to its success? And how are time- and resource-strapped caregivers and children able to participate meaningfully?

Cities4Children spoke to Tannya Pico, who studied AGRUPAR as part of her dissertation, to better understand how the program engages low-income and migrant communities, especially children and caregivers.

Photos: Tannya Pico

ENGAGING CHILDREN IN GROWING FOOD

AGRUPAR has made a strong push to involve children, especially through school gardens and educational programming. According to Tannya, teachers who are passionate about nature-based education often lead the charge, bringing the AGRUPAR model into classrooms and schoolyards.

The program offers training, seeds, infrastructure, and guidance to participating schools. AGRUPAR staff support teachers in integrating urban agriculture into lesson plans, and help them maintain gardens over time. Currently, schools gardens make up about 6% of all urban gardens and they are thriving in several schools in low-income neighbourhoods of Quito such as Llano Chico, Toctiuco and Solanda. Children also learn about composting and waste reduction. In Solanda, two kindergarten teachers established a garden and a composting station, complete with earthworms. When the COVID-19 pandemic closed schools for 18 months, the teachers continued to maintain the garden and distributed food to students’ families.

“The children learn that plants grow from seeds, how to care for the soil, and how worm compost helps nourish the plants,” says teacher Fabiola Poveda. “They experience textures, colours, and the joy of growing something themselves. We hope this fosters a love of nature.”

Another example is the Dream Refuge Centre in Llano Chico, which serves hundreds of children each day. Many stay at the centre while their parents work. For over a decade, the children have maintained a large garden where they prepare soil, create seedbeds, transplant seedlings, and water crops daily. “We all eat what they harvest during recess. We prepare salads, and there’s usually enough left over for the kids to take home,” says Sonia Suarez, the centre’s coordinator.

For caregivers, especially women, these gardens provide more than just food. They offer safe, supportive spaces to spend time outdoors, work side by side with neighbors, and engage in shared responsibilities. The gardens strengthen community bonds while supporting both physical and mental well-being.

What makes AGRUPAR sustainable?

Many well-intentioned social programs fail to survive political and financial shifts. Yet AGRUPAR has stood the test of time. Its sustainability is driven by four key factors:

1. LOW COST AND HIGH IMPACT

With a relatively small annual budget, around US$283,000 in 2018, plus about US$27,000 from self-generated income, AGRUPAR delivers significant returns. About 90% of the budget goes toward staffing, including agricultural engineers, trainers, and community workers who provide ongoing technical support. The rest supports supplies, logistics, and advocacy.

2. STRONG PARTNERSHIPS

Since its launch, AGRUPAR has partnered with a range of local, national, and international organizations, enhancing its reach and resilience. These include:

» UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO)
» RUAF Foundation and global alliances like the Milan Urban Food Pact
» 100 Resilient Cities, C40 Cities, and ICLEI
» Local universities, private sector actors, farmers’ networks, and social movements

3. INSTITUTIONAL INTEGRATION

AGRUPAR is housed within ConQuito, the city’s Agency for Economic Promotion. This gives it a permanent budget and formal status within the public administration. Being embedded in ConQuito has also enabled close collaboration with departments related to health, education, entrepreneurship, and environment. Thus helping to embed urban agriculture in wider city policies and resilience plans.

4. COMMUNITY OWNERSHIP

From the beginning, AGRUPAR has tapped into existing urban farming traditions, especially among indigenous and migrant populations. It’s a bottom-up initiative that responds to local demand. Participants pay a small fee ($1–$2) for training, cover part or all of infrastructure costs, and bear 100% of organic certification costs, ensuring buy-in and accountability. The project recognizes local knowledge, builds capacity, and offers targeted technical support, reinforcing a sense of ownership and pride.

Challenges ahead

Despite its success, AGRUPAR faces significant threats from political instability. Shifting priorities and leadership changes can lead to budget cuts, delays, and reduced institutional support. Bureaucratic hurdles and corruption also remain challenges for urban farmers seeking to scale their efforts or secure land and water access.

Still, the project’s resilience lies in its deep community roots and proven impact, making it a model for other cities.

WHY AGRUPAR MATTERS

Quito’s experience shows that urban agriculture isn’t just about food. It’s about equity, inclusion, education, and community resilience. AGRUPAR teaches children to grow food, understand ecosystems, and care for the environment. It helps families stretch their incomes, strengthens social ties, and integrates marginalized communities into the fabric of city life.

By investing in similar programs, cities around the world can transform unused spaces into productive, inclusive, and nurturing environments, especially for their youngest and most vulnerable residents.

Local Site Seismic Response in an Inter-Andean Valley: Geotechnical Characterization and Seismic Amplification Zonation of Quito

Mariana Binder — Wed, 09 Jul 2025 12:52:32 +0000

Local site seismic response in an Inter-Andean valley: Geotechnical characterization and seismic amplification zonation of the southern Quito area

by Jorge Albuja Sánchez ¹

1: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Ecuador (PUCE)

This presentation was part of iUE’s webinar Soil Functions and Related Ecosystem Services for Sustainable Cities, held in June 2025.

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iUE’s webinar Soil Functions and Related Ecosystem Services for Sustainable Cities explored the vital role of soil functions in building sustainable urban and regional planning strategies. It featured experts from Latin America and Europe, who gave insights into how soil considerations are being integrated worldwide. The event was organised in collaboration with the SPADES (Spatial Planning and DEsign with Soil) project.

About the Author

Jorge Albuja Sánchez (Ecuador) is Dean of the Faculty of Habitat, Infrastructure, and Creativity at the Pontificia Universidad Católica del Ecuador (PUCE). He holds a Ph.D. in Engineering Science from the University of Ferrara, Italy, and an MSc. in Soil Mechanics and Environmental Geotechnics from Imperial College London. His research focuses on seismic response and geotechnical challenges in urban Andean environments.

Jorge’s presentation focused on current research addressing local seismic response in the inter-Andean valley of southern Quito. It explored the geotechnical characterization of volcanic and alluvial deposits and their role in seismic amplification. Using field and lab data —including MASW, CPTu, and dynamic testing— the study proposes a zonation of seismic amplification levels to support resilient urban planning and infrastructure design in high-risk Andean regions.

Soil Matters: From Global Frameworks to Local Planning

Mariana Binder — Tue, 08 Jul 2025 15:25:12 +0000

Soil Matters: From Global Frameworks to Local Planning

by Yoann Clouet

This presentation was part of iUE’s webinar Soil Functions and Related Ecosystem Services for Sustainable Cities, held in June 2025.

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About the Author

Yoann Clouet (France) is an executive project manager and EU regional and urban policy expert. He holds an Advanced Master in EU studies from the College of Europe, with a focus on the EU climate sustainability policy and legislation framework. Having worked in the private and public sectors, he focuses speciﬁcally now on the EU policy framework for sustainable cities, including regional and urban policy and R&I policy. He is notably developing and involved in research projects in strategic areas of interest for the urban planning practice.

Urban Wetland for Sustainable Cities – Legal Protection of Urban Wetlands in Chile

Mariana Binder — Tue, 08 Jul 2025 15:02:37 +0000

Urban Wetland for Sustainable Cities - Legal Protection of Urban Wetlands in Chile

by Carolina Rojas Quezada ¹

1: Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile

This presentation was part of iUE’s webinar Soil Functions and Related Ecosystem Services for Sustainable Cities, held in June 2025.

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About the Author

Ph.D. in Geography and GIS (2008) and an M.Sc. in Geographical Information Systems (2006) from Universidad de Alcalá, Spain, and a B.Sc. in Geography (2002) from Pontificia Universidad Católica de Valparaíso, Chile. Carolina’s research focuses on urban sustainability and mobility, particularly the interaction between people, urbanisation, and natural ecosystems. She has studied the value of urban wetlands, accessibility to green spaces, cities’ environmental impact, and nature-based solutions for climate adaptation.

Soil as a Guiding Principle in Planning and Design – Research behind the SPADES Project

Mariana Binder — Tue, 08 Jul 2025 14:41:24 +0000

Soil as a Guiding Principle in Planning and Design - Research behind the SPADES Project

by Sophia Arbara ¹, Laura Thomas ¹ & Taliah Dommerholt ²

1: Delft University of Technology
2. Institute for Urban Excellence

This presentation was part of iUE’s webinar Soil Functions and Related Ecosystem Services for Sustainable Cities, held in June 2025.

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About the Author

Sophia Arbara (Greece) is an architect, urban designer and researcher. She has a PhD from Roma Tre University. Her work explores the intersections between urban design, ecology, and cultural landscape studies, aiming to address socio-ecological challenges and unveil both familiar and untold narratives through spatial approaches. Currently, she is a post-doctoral researcher at TU Delft, and she is part of the Delta Urbanism research group and the EU-funded Horizon Europe SPADES project. Her research focuses on the role of food and soil systems as spatial agents in shaping territorial and local dynamics, particularly in environmentally vulnerable regions.

About the Project

Spatial Planning and DEsign with Soil (SPADES) strives to promote soil-inclusive planning strategies that combat soil degradation and enhance ecosystem resilience. It has 17 pilot sites in 10 EU Member States, covering different land use contexts such as urban, peri-urban and rural areas.

Empowering Quito’s local stakeholders for Disaster Risk Reduction by applying the concept of Nature-based Solutions to the Quebradas

Mariana Binder — Wed, 12 Feb 2025 14:45:18 +0000

Empowering Quito’s local stakeholders for disaster risk reduction by applying the concept of Nature-based Solutions to the Quebradas

by Tannya Pico ¹ & Alexander Jachnow ²

1: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Ecuador and ISOCARP Institute
2. Namibia University of Science and Technology (NUST)

This article was presented at the Nature in the City Annual Event in Sciences Po University, Paris (France) in December 2024.

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Introduction

In response to the escalating impacts of climate change, urban areas worldwide need to find innovative approaches to increase their resilience. As Nature-based Solutions (NbS) combine the characteristics and potential of natural assets to address environmental and societal challenges this approach has gained substantial attention. The development of various solutions under the umbrella concept of NbS has been considerable in recent years, however, significant barriers still exist to its effective implementation and its potential to empower communities for disaster risk reduction (DRR) in a climate change scenario.

Cities in the Global South, such as Quito, Ecuador, are particularly vulnerable due to rapid urbanization, socio-economic inequalities, and fragile ecosystems. Quito is prone to climate-related disasters, including landslides, floods, and droughts, which are magnified by its mountainous terrain and rapid expansion of informal settlements. While national and municipal governments have made efforts to mitigate these risks, the complexity of the challenges necessitates greater involvement of local communities. Community empowerment in disaster risk reduction (DRR) represents a critical pathway for fostering resilience, as it enables citizens to contribute to decision-making, implement locally relevant solutions, and build adaptive capacities.

We examine the role of stakeholder empowerment in addressing the DRR for climate impacts in Quito, Ecuador, with a particular focus on the quebradas (ravines). As critical natural and ecological features, the quebradas are central to urban water management, biodiversity conservation, and disaster mitigation. However, they are increasingly threatened by urban encroachment, deforestation, and climate change. This study highlights the interconnectedness of environmental, social, and governance dimensions in managing the quebradas and explores how the empowerment of local stakeholders —residents, community organizations, local governments, and private actors— can foster sustainable and equitable adaptation strategies. Unfortunately, national and local policies are not yet taking this role fully into account and the quebradas still suffer from degradation, it reflects a broader tension between rapid urbanization and environmental sustainability, highlighting the need for comprehensive urban planning strategies that prioritize the protection and restoration of these critical ecological features.

This paper looks into bottom-up understandings of the Cooperativa Alianza Solidaria. A low-income community that undertook a self-managed restoration of the Quebrada Ortega, located next to their neighborhood in the South of Quito. The community restored 550 meters of the quebrada Ortega to create a safe and clean public linear park with the additional value of leaving flooding space in their banks. Even without knowing the term of NbS, or even the full notion of climate change, they use the mingas (a traditional practice of voluntary collaborative work) as the main strategy for cooperation. Drawing from the case study, absorptive capacities and participatory action research, this paper identifies pathways for enhancing local agency, promoting community collaboration, and integrating traditional ecological knowledge with innovative solutions. The findings underline the importance of participatory governance in addressing the vulnerabilities of the quebradas while reinforcing the resilience of Quito’s urban communities to climate change.

Theoretical Framework

NATURE-BASED SOLUTIONS AND DRR

Over the last decades, as the study of climate change has deepened, several concepts have become a subject of study. The notion of Nature-based Solutions (NbS) provides an integrative theoretical framework, in which concepts such as biodiversity conservation, natural capital, or ecosystem services are included, together with inputs from governance, policymaking, and biodiversity conservation practices (Convention on Biological Diversity, 2004; Gomez-Baggethun et al., 2010; Daly and Farley, 2011; Nesshöver et al., 2017).

NbS are defined as cost-effective strategies in coping with climate change effects that cover a wide range of actions and interventions, which are characterised by their multifunctionality, as they aim to provide environmental and socioeconomic benefits (Cohen-Schacham et al., 2016; Nesshover et al., 2012). They constitute an interface for climate action that makes use of natural resources to provide positive outcomes to mitigate the effects and adapt to climate change effects (Cohen-Schacham et al., 2016; Nesshover et al., 2017).

Disaster risk reduction (DRR) represents a critical societal challenge addressed within the broader framework of NbS. Among the various NbS approaches, ecosystem-based disaster risk reduction (Eco-DRR) stands out as a strategy specifically designed to mitigate risks associated with natural hazards. In his literature review, Nehren, et. al, (2023) states that while the concept of NbS in the context of natural hazards has gained significant traction in academic discourse, relatively few studies focus on specific case studies or the implementation of NbS in defined geographic contexts. Although many articles reference natural hazards, they often prioritize other societal challenges unrelated to disaster risk reduction (DRR) or remain confined to a conceptual discussion. A closer examination reveals that prior to 2015, no research explicitly employed the term “nature-based solutions.” Instead, earlier studies predominantly used frameworks such as sustainable land management (SLM), integrated water resources management (IWRM), and integrated fire management (IFM), which, despite predating the NbS terminology, align with its broader principles. Since 2015, however, the term NbS has been increasingly adopted in literature related to natural hazards, though it is often employed as a general label rather than to describe a distinct methodological approach.

Nevertheless, recognizing community-led NbS into DRR strategies is essential for building resilient and sustainable cities in the face of escalating natural hazards and climate change impacts. NbS not only mitigate risks by leveraging the protective functions of ecosystems, such as reducing flood risks, but they also provide co-benefits, including biodiversity conservation, recreational opportunities, carbon sequestration, and enhanced human well-being. Unlike traditional engineered solutions, NbS are adaptive, cost-effective, and capable of addressing complex, interconnected challenges in a holistic manner.

KNOWLEDGE, TRANSDISCIPLINARITY AND ACAPs

Knowledge is the understanding of a certain subject acquired by a person or people in general via experience or study. Such a definition implies a broad sense of types of knowledge and sources and therefore, poses a tension between disciplinary knowledge and the need for a more integrated, holistic approach. While traditional disciplinary boundaries may not be sufficient to address complex issues as they lack other types of non-disciplinary knowledge, more integrative approaches may present important challenges related to collaboration and resistance. One step for solving these challenges is the transdisciplinarity approach, based on the interaction of five knowledge cultures (Brown, 2010). While conventional approaches tended to establish disciplinary boundaries of knowledge, strengthening knowledge specialization, the interaction of disciplines and the integration of various types of knowledge has proven to be key in understanding complex realities and solving problems. Such an integration implies recognising the existence of different types of knowledge and knowledge sources, such as general information, data, lived experiences, legal frameworks, etc.

However, Brown’s model does not fully address the practical challenges and limitations of implementing transdisciplinary approaches in complex contexts, such as potential conflicts, power dynamics, and practical difficulties that may arise when attempting to integrate knowledge from such diverse sources. In that sense, the ACAPs model is presented as complementary, since by proposing the different phases of knowledge absorption, the model is also based on collaboration and knowledge integration and therefore accounts for the mitigating factors that may affect this process.

For this research, both models are integrated. On the one hand, under the framework of transdisciplinarity, this research acknowledges that no NbS initiative can be effectively implemented lacking a common knowledge framework for decision-making and action; fragmented interaction among stakeholders results in difficulties for effective implementation and therefore, collaboration among different knowledge cultures, and therefore, stakeholders, is key for facilitating knowledge integration. On the other hand, the ACAPs model proposed by Zahra and George (2002) is used to understand the different stages in which the knowledge cultures interactions happen and further contribute to the absorption of new knowledge and, consequently, in reaching each initiative’s objectives. The ACAPs model introduces a holistic perspective, as it accounts for both the four stages of knowledge absorption and the contingency factors that influence the valuing and the exploitation of new knowledge into each initiative.

THE QUEBRADAS OF QUITO

Due to its location, Quito has a subtropical highland climate with two rainy seasons each year, in March/April and later in October. These rainy periods are often accompanied by violent thunderstorms (Neill and Jorgensen, 2016). The rainfall at high elevations feeds the headwater ravines, known locally as quebradas. However, these ravines are typically steep, with depths of around 15 to 20 meters, and only carry water during intense precipitation events (Peltre, 1989). At one point, Quito had approximately 182 (Figure 1) ravines within its urban area (Metzgerand and Bemúdez, 1996). Unfortunately, many of these ravines have been severely impacted by the city’s rapid urban development. Over the years, they became filled with garbage and debris, leading to blockages and hindering the natural flow of water.

Furthermore, large areas of the city are covered with water-resistant surface materials such as concrete, which prevent rainwater from recharging the groundwater by soaking into the soil or slowly flowing into the main streams. Instead, the rainwater is forced to flow rapidly over the urban roads, collecting garbage and dirt and carrying more surface pollutants (Serra-Llobet et al., 2013). Consequently, there are major concerns regarding the risks associated with groundwater contamination. Every year during the rainy season, disastrous events are reported, caused by flooding, landslides, and damage to the water drainage system (Aragundi, 2016). Moreover, due to changes in precipitation patterns resulting from climate change, there is likely to be an increase in the current discharge in the tropical Andes (Buytaert, 2008). This increase will exacerbate the dangers associated with filled ravines, leading to greater runoff in urban areas (Perrin, 2001).

The quebradas of Quito, which historically served as vital ecological corridors and natural drainage systems, have experienced significant degradation due to the pressures of urban sprawl. Originally, these ravines provided essential ecosystem services, including water filtration, flood regulation, and biodiversity conservation. However, during the city’s history, the unplanned expansion of urban areas has led to their encroachment and ecological disruption.

The morphology of the colonial urban matrix overlayed urban expansion with the ravines or the Pichincha volcano´s slopes and indigenous forest reserves (Cuvi, 2017). The surroundings of the city used to serve for deer, rabbit, and bird hunting, and the ejidos, formerly communal lands for agriculture, were declared property of the Spaniard King and the municipality of Quito, for what mountains and water resources were no longer at the service of locals but almost only for the upper classes (Cuvi, 2017). One of its consequences was the drying and filling of the city ravines, to provide more available land for urban sprawl (Terry, 1834; Orton, 1870).

During the second peak of Quito’s urban sprawl, around the 1940s and 1950s, more ravines were dried to connect the old city with the new housing developments that surrounded it. Other water sources, such as the Machángara River, were used as a sewer for wastewater and other toxic substances (Aragundi, 2016). Urban development has resulted in the infilling and channelization of many quebradas, reducing their hydrological functions and altering natural water flow patterns. Additionally, informal settlements and infrastructural development on steep slopes have increased soil erosion, sedimentation, and the risk of landslides. These processes are exacerbated by inadequate waste management, which has led to the accumulation of solid waste and pollution in the ravines, further diminishing their environmental quality.

Photos by Cooperativa Alianza Solidaria

The historical exclusion of Quito’s quebradas from urban planning poses severe dangers, as highlighted by the catastrophic landslide in the areas of La Comuna and La Gasca, northwest of Quito, in January 2022. This tragedy, triggered by intense rainfall, caused 28 dead, 1 missing, 52 injured, 170 people affected, 53 families affected, 60 public properties destroyed, 52 private properties affected, among others. The material that came down from the upper part of the El Tejado ravine, located on the slopes of Pichincha, travelled a distance of more than 2.8 kilometres from the zero zone of the landslide (Ortiz 2022), carrying with it large masses of mud, rocks, animal remains, garbage and even logs from deforestation in the ravine itself, among other materials. This event underscores the urgent need to incorporate quebradas into Quito’s disaster risk reduction plans as key components of flood control and slope stabilization. Without such integration, the city remains highly vulnerable to future disasters, particularly in the context of increasing climate variability and urban sprawl.

As an attempt to change the pattern and protect the quebradas, in 2012, Quito’s local government recognized the challenges posed by the city’s ravines and their importance in the city’s adaptation plan to climate change. This was achieved by declaring the ravine system a Natural and Cultural Heritage of the city through Municipal Ordinance 350 of 2012. This designation provides a legal framework and allocates public resources for conservation and restoration efforts. The ravines’ recovery plan encompasses various aspects such as environmental and risk management, landscape improvement, and the development of recreational and ecological corridors and green spaces. The city’s ravine system has also been included in the Urban Green Network of the Metropolitan Development and Zoning Plans (DMQ, 2012). Recognizing the crucial role of the ravines in the city’s sustainability plans presents an opportunity to foster community identity, self-esteem, culture, and integration through a strong and active citizen participation model (Serra-Llobet et al., 2013).

The responsibility of implementing the ordinance was given to the Empresa Pública Metropolitana de Agua Potable y Saneamiento (EPMAPS), which is the Metropolitan Public Company of Water Supply and Sanitation. The first step taken by the company was to commission various studies to restore the urban ravines, starting with the southern part of the city. However, the implementation of the restoration plan has been delayed due to budget constraints and the high cost of operationalizing solutions to address water contamination.

Overall, historically, the quebradas of Quito have increasingly been perceived as marginal spaces rather than integral components of the urban landscape, leading to neglect of urban planning initiatives. This neglect undermines efforts to integrate them into sustainable urban development frameworks, exacerbating their degradation.

Case Study of Community Empowerment in Quito

QUEBRADA ORTEGA: A BOTTOM-UP RAVINE RESTORATION INITIATIVE

The selected case study initiative has been part of the pool of greening initiatives identified as NbS in the Urban by Nature project funded by the Horizon 2020 EU program in Ecuador. The initiative, led by ICLEI, aims to strengthen international cooperation on sustainable urbanization between the EU and CELAC (Community of Latin American and Caribbean States). The primary objective is to increase the natural reproduction of ecosystem resources by improving the peri-urban habitats and promoting a paradigm shift towards public awareness of natural wealth and co-creation processes by residents (Robrecht, 2019).

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